Monday 16 April 2012

Malawi's dictatorial wounds wheel

If there are a group of people who believe that history has the
tendency of repeating itself, then Malawians must be those who could
be on the forefront raising their hands up ululating and dancing,
giving all the support to the notion.


Just before the 2004 general elections, good willing politicians,
human rights activists and Civil Society Organisations (CSO) stood
their ground defending the move by the former president Dr. Bakili
Muluzi to manipulate the constitution.

Power hungry Muluzi, wanted to change the constitution to give a
chance of  standing for the third term, otherwise known as the open
term which would give him chance to ‘finish off’ the developments he
had started.

Fearing that Muluzi was turning himself into body and soul of the
dictatorial leadership of the Father and Founder of Malawi Ngwazi Dr
Hastings Kamuzu Banda, the war against the president was pursued by
Brown Mpinganjira, Sam Mpasu, Justin Malewezi and Aleke Banda just to
mention a few.

Determined to remain to power Muluzi used all the machinery made
available to him, mostly the notorious party’s young democrats, to
intimidate, harass and even kill all those who opposed his views.

The very common example is the mysterious death of the Malawi’s King
of Reggae, Evison Matafale who was behind authoring a letter critical
to the government, Muluzi in particular.

Not long, the National Assembly, headed by Mpasu, saved the growing
democracy by rejecting the leadership’s efforts to manipulate the
constitution for individual purpose.

Frustrated and feeling debased, Muluzi punished his own party by hand
picking Bingu wa Mutharika, a complete outsider to lead the ruling
United Democratic Front (UDF) during the 2004 general elections, a
move which saw the party’s gurus breaking out forming their own blocks
such as Mpinganjira, who formed National Democratic Alliance (NDA),
Aleke Banda with Peoples Progressive Movement (PPM) and Malewezi who
opted to go solo.

 No wonder, after the campaign-trail championed by Muluzi himself,
Mutharika became the second leader of the South African poorest
nation.

A RULING PARTY FROM BEHIND

Feeling home and dry, celebrating his retirement, Muluzi thought all
was well in the party, but the gods were up to something else,
Muntharika ditched the party as early as July 2005 and quickly formed
his own party, The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) which was to
become a ruling block without contesting any election.

With the president’s declaring of war against all the wrong doings of
the previous government, opposition parties, human rights activists
and all the CSOs hailed Mutharika decision of ditching UDF, he was
rendered all the support.

Determined on the fight, Mutharika’s government did not waste time,
soon big fishes in the previous leadership faced the tunes, Muluzi was
arrested on various corruption charges, Mpasu, Humphreys Mvula and
Kennedy Makwangala followed.

The first term saw the main opposition Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and
UDF pinning the government in the tight corner in the National
Assembly.

The parties frustrated the government by blocking and rejecting bills
the government brought in the parliament, a move which was condemned
by many citizens

Though through the highs and lows, Mutharika’s minority government
scored marks by turning the hunger stricken nation into the one with
surplus maize production.

THE BIRTH OF A DICTATOR

By 2009, Mutharika was a darling of many Malawians and no wonder, he
won the year’s general elections with the landslide majority in the
national assembly.


Again, human rights activists, and CSOs gave the president full
support although the opposition sounded alarm bells saying Mutharika
was behaving like a dictator.

After the elections, Mutharika was accorded the entire platform to
rule without external interference, he was a happy leader at the helm.

“I am the sole leader of this nation and I will not accept anyone to
remote control the running of this government. No passenger rings the
bell of a bicycle, this is my show and my own policies will take its
course,” he usually said whenever

Soon after the elections, the DPP controlled parliament started
passing non famous laws such the injunction bill forbidding anyone
seeking refugee to the courts against any public officer  and section
46 which gave the  information minister power to close down any
publication deemed anti-government.

The party’s youth wing, later to be ordained the Youth Cadets by
Mutharika himself, was on the forefront fighting anyone with
dissenting views of the policies which saw the nation going back to
the ruthless leadership of Kamuzu Banda, who shared the title ‘Ngwazi’
with the president.

The key issues which led to the public’s loss of confidence in the
late president included, the acute foreign exchange shortage, the
acute fuel shortage, electricity shortages, lack of economic prudence,
corruption and abuse of power, disrespect of the rule of law,
deliberate efforts to avoid or interrupt the holding of Local
Government Elections, the University of Malawi crisis (failure to
resolve the current stalemate between the University Council and its
two constituent Colleges) and political intolerance and violence.

The CSO organised a day for national demonstrations on 20th July 2011
and the president countered that initiative with a public lecture on
the same day at the state house. Government, through a private citizen
got a court order stopping the demonstrations which was vacated in the
morning but the police refused to respect the decision. The result was
loss of life and property for many.

When the late president Mutharika appointed the Presidential Contact
and Dialogue group to engage with a team from the CSOs mediated by the
United Nations, a cloud of uncertainty still en¬veloped the country as
to when they will broker a deal.

Some CSO leaders in Rafik Hajat, Rob¬ert Mkwezalamba, Gift Trapence,
Brian Nyasulu and Peter Chinoko who were then members of the National
Organiz¬ing Committee said the government should not waste time
castigating CSO leaders but go back to the drawing board and address
the issues that were affect¬ing Malawians.

An investigation has been opened into the 2011 death of an activist
who had criticized Malawi's late president, his successor said
Tuesday, taking one of several steps since being sworn in three days
ago that mark a sharp departure from past leadership.

ENTER JOYCE BANDA

The tag of war between the local Civil So¬ciety Organizations (CSO)
and state pres¬ident Bingu wa Mutharika refused to die even when the
DPP government tried to delay the announcement of the demise of the
president in their bid to have Peter Mutharika succeed his brother by
taking the Vice president, Joyce Banda, to court over her for¬mation
of the peoples party as a reason to disqualify her from taking over
the leadership mantle.

After it was known that the president is no more, happy faces of CSO
leaders rushed to address the media that succession plans should take
immediately, Banda should be given the mantle to run the government as
stipulated in the constitution.

More press briefings from Banda, opposition parties and CSOs, finally,
on April 7, government announced the death of president Mutharika and
the vice president was sworn in the following day.

Just like after 2004, Banda has received the much required support
from all sections of the nation.

 “We need not to over relax feeling that this is a new dawn for
Malawi. Just like Mutharika, Banda will rule the nation with the party
which has never contested in any election.

“If we sit down and think that the fight of safeguarding our hard won
democracy, then I am afraid of the repeat of the past. This is the
time we should stand guard against any malpractice by the leadership,”
said a political analyst Lauden Malingamoyo Phiri.

President Joyce Banda , just like the late Mutharika in his early days
of leadership, also announced that she is intent on repairing
relations with this impoverished country's foreign donors.

So far, she has already fired the minister of information, the head of
state broadcasting and constituted a commission of enquiry on the
mysterious death of a 25-year-old activist Robert Chasowa.

Chasowa was found dead on a pavement at a Blantyre university campus.
He had been very critical of the Mutharika administration.

Peter Mukhito, then the police chief, told reporters Chasowa killed
himself, and police released two suicide notes. But relatives and
friends said Chasowa was not suicidal and that the handwriting on the
notes was not his.

Perhaps, this is not the repeat of history.


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